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Chapter 5 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Hortonville |
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At its peak, in April 1974, daily news about the strike filled the airwaves and the pages of newspapers across the nation. The firing of an entire teaching staff in a small Wisconsin town proved to be major news. That news included stories about how State Superintendent Barbara Thompson aided the school board by not enforcing teacher licensure laws and thereby allowing uncertified and unqualified teacher strikebreakers to continue working in Hortonville classrooms. Throughout April 1974, hundreds of police, teachers and supporters from other unions converged in front of the high school in the morning and in the afternoon when the strikebreakers were arriving and leaving. Many sat in front of schools and were arrested and carried to the county jail in Appleton in police vehicles. After a judge issued an order restricting the number of pickets to 84, the battle shifted to the courts, where the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately said the school board had the right to fire teachers engaged in an illegal strike. But before that, hundreds of UniServ and WEAC local leaders met in Appleton to consider actions aimed at reaching a settlement in Hortonville. One of the recommendations was that a statewide teacher strike be called on Friday, April 26. Within ten days a vote on whether to support the April 26 walkout was taken by teachers in every WEAC affiliate. Public and media interest was intense. When the voting was completed, WEAC locals, by a four-to-one margin, had voted not to participate in the protest walkout, and a statewide strike did not happen.
The Hortonville strike occurred against a backdrop of militant political and social change. Many groups throughout society were asserting their right to fully participate in American life. On the national and state levels, governments were attempting to deal with the issues raised by the civil rights movement, the womens movement, the peace movement, the environmental movement, and many others. Teachers, too, found the ground fertile for claiming a measure of control over their professional lives. After being dominated by school administrators since their inception, both the NEA and WEAC were evolving into powerful teacher advocate organizations. Every Wisconsin school employee owes a debt to the Hortonville 84. Their firing heightened support among teachers for amending a bargaining law that forced teachers to strike illegally to achieve equity at the negotiating table. WEAC lobbying, along with nearly 50 other teacher strikes in the 1970s, and general unrest in teacher negotiations throughout the state, graphically revealed the flaws in the old bargaining law.
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